Social Reform
Clusters
Social reform stances seem to come in clusters. When a group of people (like a denomination) takes one social stand they often soon take a second social stand then a third or more until they wind up with a “cluster” of social positions. Take my denomination in the 19th century as an example.
The Wesleyan’s first social cause was anti-slavery. In 1843, when the Methodist church refused to take a stand against slavery so a group of radical anti-slavery Methodists pulled out of the Methodist church to found the Wesleyan Methodist Church as an abolitionist denomination. These reformers intended to stamp out slavery in the nation and they founded magazines, planted churches and attended abolitionist meetings to make this social reform. Of course they banned slave-holding for their members.
Wesleyans quickly added women’s rights to the cluster. In pushing for freedom for slaves it became clear to these folk that women should have freedom too. These reformers were arguing that slaves should be frees and able to own property and to vote—well why shouldn’t women be able to own property and to vote too? Very quickly—almost simultaneously—my denomination’s cluster of social positions became two-pronged: anti-slavery and pro-women’s rights.
Being pro-women, we thus banned alcohol. Women were the driving force behind the alcohol ban. Husbands, who received their pay in cash often “drank-it-all-away” then came home drunk to beat their wife. The wife was left to feed their children with whatever change she had left over from the week before. My denomination’s anti-alcohol stance came into our cluster directly as a result of being pro-women and anti-domestic violence.
Being pro-women, we of course banned gambling. Gambling was a guy’s sport, and was most popular—you guessed it—the night when men received their cash pay and went out drinking. Alcohol was cheap enough that no man could actually “drink his whole pay away.” What women meant by this phrase was while drunk the husband commonly “gambled the grocery money away.” Early Wesleyans believed this sort of irresponsible behavior ought to be outlawed in the country, so they banned it for church members as a start.
Being anti-slavery and pro-women, Wesleyans rejected membership in secret societies. In the 19th century, secret societies—particularly the Masons—functioned as an underground cartel of power working behind the scenes to promote each other and to block non-members in both business and politics. If you were in you were in—to start a business or run for office. If you were out it seemed like an invisible hand was working against you behind the scenes—because it was. The trouble for Wesleyans was that Masons wouldn’t allow women or blacks from joining their good-old-boy society. Since Wesleyans were already postured as pro black and pro-women, to them, being anti-Mason was an obvious social position to add to their cluster.
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Denominational social positions often come in clusters. Sometimes it is a logical connection (like being pro-women meant being anti-alcohol). But at other times the clustering comes because of the allies we hang around with. When early Wesleyans attended anti-slavery rallies they were often populated with pro-women advocates who simultaneously condemned alcohol, gambling, and the Masons. When Christians attend a rally or read a periodical about a cause they believe deeply in, they sometimes “catch” a related cause and add it to their cluster of social positions. Which brings me to the question I’m pondering this week:
What is the “cluster” of social positions the church has today? The church—both Catholic and Protestant—is almost uniformly anti-abortion, like the early Wesleyans were anti-slavery. So, what social other positions have collected around abortion to form today’s ‘cluster” of social positions?
So, what do you think?
The discussion of this column is on Facebook: http://www.facebook.com/home.php?#!/profile.php?id=161502633
Keith
Drury December 28, 2010
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